As preparations for the 2027 general elections gather momentum, Nigeria’s political space is becoming increasingly turbulent. Party defections, internal crises within the PDP, LP, NNPP, ADC and even cracks within the ruling APC now dominate headlines.
Beyond these familiar battles, however, a deeper shift is unfolding — the gradual erosion of political godfatherism, a system that has long shaped electoral outcomes in the country.
From 2023 till date, a recurring pattern has emerged: governors who rode into office on the shoulders of powerful political benefactors are increasingly asserting independence, often at great political cost. Once-installed protégés are now challenging the very forces that brought them to power, signalling what many analysts see as a weakening of godfather dominance.
In Nigerian politics, a godfather is typically an influential figure who installs candidates through money, structures, networks and raw political power, with voter loyalty often driven by fear, obligation or ethnic sentiment rather than policy. While the practice has endured for decades, recent developments suggest its hold is loosening.
Kano: Kwankwaso vs Abba Yusuf
One of the most dramatic examples is playing out in Kano State, where relations between Governor Abba Kabir Yusuf and his political mentor, former governor and NNPP national leader, Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, have sharply deteriorated.
The crisis centres on reports that Yusuf is planning to defect from the NNPP to the APC — a move Kwankwaso is said to have openly opposed, insisting the governor cannot align with APC leader Abdullahi Ganduje with his blessing.
Despite this, political insiders claim arrangements to welcome Yusuf into the APC are already at an advanced stage, with January 12 reportedly fixed as a decisive date. The fallout has surprised observers, given Yusuf’s long-standing loyalty to Kwankwaso.
The rift has spilled onto social media and deeply divided Kano’s political structure, with commissioners, lawmakers and local government chairmen openly taking sides. It has already led to the removal of NNPP state chairman, Hashimu Dungurawa, a Kwankwaso loyalist, who was replaced by Abdullahi Abiya, an ally of the governor.
Kano State Commissioner for Information, Ibrahim Abdullahi Waiya, told DAILY POST that Yusuf’s possible defection would be “a blessing” for the state.
“Kano has lost a lot because we are not in the ruling party. If the governor moves, it will be for the good of the state,” he said, while praying for reconciliation between Yusuf and Kwankwaso.
Though Yusuf remains in the NNPP for now, analysts believe his final decision is imminent, with Kwankwaso’s camp already bracing for a major political confrontation ahead of 2027.
Kaduna: El-Rufai vs Uba Sani
In Kaduna State, another godfather–protégé fallout has pitted former governor Nasir El-Rufai against his successor, Governor Uba Sani.
The crisis became public in early 2024 when Sani accused El-Rufai of leaving the state in severe financial distress, claiming Kaduna struggled to pay workers’ salaries. El-Rufai dismissed the allegation.
Tensions escalated further when the Kaduna State House of Assembly accused El-Rufai’s administration of financial impropriety and urged anti-graft agencies to investigate key officials from his government. El-Rufai has since moved to the ADC, while Sani remains in the APC, setting the stage for a political test of strength in 2027.
Jigawa: A Quiet Power Struggle
In Jigawa State, tensions between Governor Umar Namadi and his predecessor, former governor Badaru Abubakar, have remained largely behind the scenes. However, political insiders say relations are increasingly strained.
A political analyst from the state, Yusuf Ahmed, told DAILY POST that the rift could erupt as 2027 approaches, describing it as a looming “clash of the titans.”
Rivers: The Wike–Fubara Confrontation
Perhaps the most explosive godfather-protégé conflict has unfolded in Rivers State, where former governor Nyesom Wike and his successor, Governor Siminalayi Fubara, fell out spectacularly.
The crisis engulfed the State House of Assembly and local government councils, leading to Fubara’s suspension for six months and the appointment of an acting administrator. Although the governor later sought reconciliation, tensions have persisted beneath the surface.
In a bid to stabilise his position, Fubara defected to the APC, but political signals suggest the battle is far from over. Wike has repeatedly asserted himself as the state’s political leader, while lawmakers loyal to him have initiated impeachment moves against the governor.
A Familiar History
Godfather-protégé clashes are not new in Nigeria. In Kano, the ideological alliance between Malam Aminu Kano and Governor Abubakar Rimi collapsed in 1982. In Oyo State, the late Lamidi Adedibu orchestrated the impeachment of Governor Rashidi Ladoja in 2006. Similar rifts have shaped politics in Sokoto and other states over the years.
Experts Weigh In
Professor Kamilu Sani Fage of Bayero University, Kano, told DAILY POST that godfatherism has no place in genuine democracy.
“Godfathers support candidates for personal gain, not public interest. That is why these arrangements always collapse,” he said, adding that the decline of godfatherism would allow governors to serve the people without undue interference.
Others disagree. PDP spokesperson in Jigawa, Umar Kyari, argued that godfatherism remains unavoidable in Nigerian politics, insisting that mentorship and political backing are essential — but should end after elections.
ADC governorship candidate in Kano in 2023, Sheikh Ibrahim Khalil, was more blunt, saying many politicians lack the capacity to succeed independently.
“Without Kwankwaso, Abba Yusuf would not have become governor,” he said.
2027: The Road Ahead
As Nigeria inches closer to the 2027 elections, analysts expect more confrontations between godfathers and their political offspring across party lines.
Whether these developments mark the beginning of the end of godfatherism or merely a reconfiguration of old power structures remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that loyalty is no longer guaranteed — and political authority in Nigeria is increasingly contested.
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